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A South Bronx Latin Music Tale A South Bronx Latin Music Tale BY: R OBERTA L.
SINGER AND ELENA MARTÍNEZ ABSTRACT When the story of Latin popular music salsa is told in popular and scholarly writings, the South Bronx is consistently overlooked despite the critical role it played in the development of that music.
From the late 1940s through the early 1970s Hunts Point, Longwood, and Mott Haven were thriving Puerto Rican communities where an explosion of musical activity and creativity was taking place.
This article examines the confluence of people and places that created an environment for the growth of Latin music in the South Bronx.
While highlighting the sites that provided a locus for performers to adapt and reinterpret predominantly Afro-Cuban music forms and styles to express their urban South Bronx reality, the work reveals the symbiotic relationship between music, place and community; issues of identity are an underlying theme but are not the central focus of the work.
That was t he apex, the mecca, the place.
But what was good about the Bronx is that it.
The Bronx was HIP, the Bronx was where you went to DANCE.
MartĂ­nez 1999b I refer to is as.
Well, out of the Bronx sprung forth so many Latin musicians.
Starting in the post-WWII era and continuing through the early 1970s, the Hunts Point, Longwood, and Mott Haven neighborhoods were thriving Puerto Rican communities where an explosion of musical activity and creativity was bronx casino fight place.
This article examines the confluence of people and places that created an environment for the growth casino london dress code Latin music in the South Bronx, highlighting the venues that provided a locus for performers to adopt, adapt, and reinterpret predominantly Afro-Cuban music forms and styles to express their urban South Bronx reality.
The work reveals the symbiotic relationship between music, place, and community and, while issues of identity are an important factor and underlying theme in the creation of a New York Latin music sound, they are not the central focus of and will not be specifically addressed in the work 2.
Puerto Rican Settlement in the Bronx The history of Puerto Rican migration to New York can be found in numerous sources and need not be repeated here Dietz 1994; Fitzpatrick 1971; History Task Force just click for source SĂĄnchez Korrol 1983.
Most histories tend to focus on the early pioneer settlements in Brooklyn and later in El Barrio, even overlooking the continuing growth of Puerto Rican communities in Brooklyn in the post-WWII period.
In large part historical narratives about Puerto Ricans in the Bronx, most especially but not solely those told by outsiders to the area and the culture, take a temporal leap into the fires of the Bronx in the 1970s, overlooking three decades of vital, thriving, rich community life with an infrastructure to support a stable community.
One notable exception is Clara RodrĂ­guez 1991whose excellent work on the Bronx is an invaluable resource.
In the 1940s Puerto Ricans began settling in southern areas of the Bronx following a pattern of groups before them, like the Italians and Jews, who left the Lower East Side and East Harlem to go north.
Most of the music was Cuban, but the Puerto Rican plena and mĂșsica jĂ­bara were also part of this web page mix.
Following World War II, there was a wave of new housing construction in the Bronx, especially in the South Bronx.
The new Bronxites, primarily Black and Puerto Rican, settled in neighborhoods such as Hunts Point and Morrisania Hermalyn and Ultan 1995: 145.
In the decade and a half after World Lists macau casino II, more than half a million Puerto Ricans moved to the States—most to New York, the majority to the Bronx.
In 1953, the peak year of migration, 52,000 people left the island for New York and, by the early 1960s, New York City had a larger Puerto Rican population than the San Juan metro area Jonnes 2002: 165.
Cubans also came to the Bronx during this time and, in the early years, the new Latino arrivals shared the area with other, mainly European, groups.
A fair amount has been written about the economic and political environment in Puerto Rico which led to outward migration, but what were some of the factors that led migrants to the Bronx in such great numbers?
In the Bronx there was a mix of old and relatively new sturdy apartment buildings, which European-Americans were leaving in favor of better housing in northern areas of the Bronx and the suburbs, aided in their movement up the economic ladder by the benefits of the GI Bill.
Additionally, tenements and single-family homes throughout the East and South Bronx were razed and then replaced with public housing projects.
For Puerto Ricans from the Island and other parts of the city, the South Bronx represented upward mobility.
The physical infrastructure for the growth of an economically sound, socially lively, and culturally rich community was already in place.
Place Matters People invest a broad range of values in places and localities.
Belonging, identity, and meaning are aspects of the human experience that depend in large measure on place.
Places are the physical dimension of our lives; home for our traditions and memories.
Places provide us with the ability to store history and anchor cultural traditions; they bring economic, social, and cultural vitality to neighborhoods.
Yet despite the critical importance of place, few among us are consciously aware that we have—and are grounded by—a sense of place.
Within the past decade, the relationship between place and expressive culture has been explored by scholars in ethnomusicology and folklore Ryden 1993; Stokes 1994a.
Among practitioners, she finds nearly universal agreement that the music they are making, while deeply rooted in Afro-Cuban traditions, is a decidedly New York expression of their ethnic, social, political, and New Yorker identities.
The music, they contend, could only have been made in New York City.
East Harlem neighborhood and the venues they performed in, as well as the manner in which the venues helped shape community and music style.
This work stands in sharp contrast to the myriad histories of any number of music styles, where we rarely find analysis —or indeed, even mention— of the places so important to the development of the music.
Photographic documentation of music performance, all taken in some place, infrequently identify the setting.
For practitioners of the music, however, experience and memory are grounded in place.
For the musicians of the South Bronx who were part of the Latin music scene, part of making history, those places in which they learned, grew, and created a style of music meaningful to their experiences are deeply valued for their role in the culture, community life, and development of their music and life experiences.
Music and Place in the South Bronx Previous groups of Bronxites had brought their love of and appreciation for music, theater, and dance across the ocean with them.
By creating places and spaces where they could come together to share the cultural expressions of their homelands, they were able to ground themselves in this strange new world.
They built the huge dance halls, theaters, and clubs that hosted local cultural, social, and political life.
The Bronx was filled with theaters built early in the century to help promote the borough.
An article in the Edison Monthly in February, 1911 observed: Four new theatres have been constructed in the Bronx within the last two years, and at the present time a fifth is nearly completed.
This is one of the evidences that the Bronx is developing into a community by itself, with its own amusements, for without its own amusements a locality never becomes anything more than a suburb.
By the latter part of the 1800s the Irish had established themselves in the Bronx, and by 1890 there were Irish parishes in Mott Haven and Melrose, as well as other neighborhoods to the north.
Throughout the city the Irish created new and adapted existing dance halls.
Though not as widely established in the Bronx as in Manhattan, Yiddish theater nonetheless left an infrastructural legacy such as the Bronx Art Theatre 1014 E.
In the 1920s a few dinner and music restaurants and clubs catered to the small number of Puerto Ricans and Cubans who had moved into the area.
By the 1940s that number had grown considerably and, using the old Yiddish, Irish and Italian theaters, halls, and clubs in Hunts Point, Mott Haven, and surrounding neighborhoods, the now sizeable Latino community had what it needed to meet their cultural and social needs.
The same process took place in other areas as well—for example in East Harlem the Mack Morris Theater at 116th Street and 5th Avenue reopened as the Hispano and, later, Teatro Campoamor and the Photoplay Theatre on 5th Avenue and 110th Street became Teatro San JosĂ©.
The Caravana at 442 E.
There was even a Swiss settlement in the Bronx, whose prominent cultural society, Schweizwe Maennerchor Winkelreid, used the immense dance hall to hold the largest, most popular masquerade ball in the Bronx.
Other ballrooms, clubs, dance halls, after-hours spots and theaters recycled from earlier times were included as the glamorous Tropicana Club; the elegant Hunts Point Palace; Club Tropicoro, which was owned by boxer Carlos Ortiz; Longwood Casino, a former social club; Public School 52, which nurtured musicians and held weekly dances; and the venues created for and by the community such as the small but jumping Tritons and Alhambra clubs and the Casalegre and Casa Amadeo stores.
As the Puerto Rican communities in the South Bronx were cohering in the late 1940s, mambo burst onto the New York cultural scene with a force that lasted on and off for more than 20 years, transitioning from mambo to cha-cha-chĂĄ, pachanga, Latin boogaloo, and salsa.
Everyone was dancing to the mambo beat.
By 1954 mainstream music icons such as Rosemary Clooney and Perry Como were cutting pop versions of mambo, and one could buy mambo kits, which included a record, maracas, and a plastic sheet with foot prints that was to be placed on the floor to learn the mambo steps.
This mambo phenomenon would be just the beginning of the role the Longwood-Hunts Point- Mott Haven communities would play in the creation, innovation, and dissemination of a New York Latin music sound.
A special music scene was unfolding there, different even from that continuing to take place in El Barrio, which by the 1920s had become the largest, most thriving Puerto Rican neighborhood in New York.
Many were affected by the creative bridge through which Afro- Cuban rhythms and styles such as son, mambo, and cha-cha were transformed into the distinct New York Latin sound that was labeled salsa in the late 1960s.
They rehearsed and jammed in informal places such as apartments and courtyards, on rooftops, parks, and street corners.
They also played in more formal spaces such as social clubs, dance halls, after-hours joints, movie theaters, and schools.
People came from all over the City to dance to the greatest names in Latin music, most of whom lived in the area at one time or another.
A few of the great venues still exist, most as something other than what they were—some rebuilt into offices, converted to supermarkets or iglesias churchessome in shambles with no hint of their former glory, and others vanished under the wrecking ball.
Only Casa Amadeo remains intact, and musicians from out of town still drop in to visit with proprietor Mike Amadeo and catch up on news of old friends.
The history of this neighborhood, its music, and venues during this period may have been overlooked by most scholars and journalists telling the history of salsa, but Latin musicians and their audiences agree: this area was one of the great crucibles for the development of a New York Latin music sound from the 1940s onward.
Some students of culture hypothesize that the physical nature of a location can impact cultural expression in tangible ways.
This freedom of movement is all important to the Manchester groups: You can hear it in the slowed down James Brown backbeat which.
Oftentimes, memorable, even historic, turning points and the memories of them are linked to a specific site.
There were a lot of good dancers in the audience.
They loved it and they really got into it, and we had not even finalized an arrangement or anything.
And we knew it was going to be a hit because you see the sentiment of the people MartĂ­nez 2000c.
Bronx venues, especially the Hunts Point Palace, are often compared with venues in Manhattan, especially the Palladium.
One aspect of the Palladium that is consistently raised is that it was the one of the few places where people of all colors, nationalities, and classes came together and were accepted—as long as they could dance.
Other downtown venues—clubs, hotel lounges—were not as welcoming of people of color, whether performer or audience.
But all our interviewees agree that the Bronx clubs, dance halls, theaters and after-hours places were at least as egalitarian as the Palladium, and certainly more tolerant of less experienced dancers.
Bronx Venue Case Studies THEATERS Theaters, either for dramatic works or vaudeville-style shows, held great importance to the emerging Hispanic and Latino communities in New York City.
In large measure the theaters helped ground the community in dealing with the unfamiliar present by presenting its familiar island past.
John Castro is referring to one of the most important venues for the Puerto Rican community.
This theater on 138th Street in the Bronx was home to some of the most popular shows of teatro de variadades as well as musical performances.
On any weekend at Teatro Puerto Rico, lines of three generations of families snaked around the corner to catch Spanish-language variety shows.
Originally the Forum Theater, the name was changed in 1948 to Teatro Puerto Rico, reflecting the growing Puerto Rican presence in the area.
Teatro Puerto Rico, seating over 2,200 people, became the center of la farĂĄndula in New York City.
Mexican entertainers and cinema celebrities major attractions.
Cue magazine reported that in New York City that week only the Broadway shows Kiss Me Kate and As the Girls Go grossed more.
Atypical night at Teatro G casino luton dress code Rico featured one or two Spanish-language films primarily Mexican and a star attraction; occasionally stars featured in the film shown that day, more info as Cesar Romero, Cantinflas, or Jorge Negrete, took part in some of the comedy skits or talked about their life and career.
The managing director of the theater was Carlos Montalban, older brother of actor Ricardo Montalban, whose connections in Hollywood helped attract big stars to the theater.
Shows featuring la mĂșsica jĂ­bara were offered during the Christmas season.
Even a burro was rented for the performances, heightening the nostalgic connection to home.
Novelty acts included a bullwhip performance, Mr.
Tiny—a mambo-dancing Chihuahua—and child prodigy performers.
José Feliciano, whose family moved from Lares, Puerto Rico, to El Barrio in 1950, got his start when he debuted at the Teatro Puerto Rico in 1954 at the age of nine.
And a weekly feature was La Familia CĂłmica, performing skits modeled on American burlesque.
Teatro Puerto Rico, ca.
Martí Collection, Centro de Estudios Puertorriqueños, Bronx casino fight College, CUN Numerous theaters hosted Latin music events either as part of the variety show or as performances during intermission between two movies.
These included Teatro Borinquen 754 Westchester AvenueTeatro Isla Westchester and Tiffany StreetTeatro Art 1077 Southern BoulevardTeatro President 827 Westchester Avenueand Teatro Prospect 671 Prospect Avenueto name just a few.
Pianist Ken Rosa remembers seeing one of his first performances at a theater: One day as a child I went to the movies at the RKO Franklin.
The first of two main features finished and the curtains closed.
And he starts to sing and I was totally speechless.
Wide-eyed, enchanted, totally captivated.
And later I found out that it was Marcelino Guerra and his pianist Gilberto Ayala.
They becamemy favorite band MartĂ­nez 2000f.
Benny Bonilla also remembers being inspired by a theater show: Boulevard Theater, yeah, they used to have amateur night every Wednesday, and this particular day this rhumba band was there—not even mambo, a rhumba band was there.
BALLROOMS Hunts Point Palace Flyer for Hunts Point Palace with Bronx natives Orlando MarĂ­n, Eddie Palmieri, and someone who lived in the Bronx later in his life, Tito Puente.
Courtesy of Orlando MarĂ­n According to current owner, Mel Stier who also owned the Audubon Ballroom and Palm Gardens in Manhattanwho bought the building in 1950, the Hunts Point Palace was built by the Morgenthau family around 1911 exact building records are missing.
It had a small ballroom on the first floor and a larger one on the second floor, with a balcony that stretched all around the interior.
The fourth floor had seven smaller rooms for weddings and other functions.
There was also a roof garden, where bands occasionally performed.
Early clientele included the Jewish, Italian, and Irish communities; by the 1950s, the neighborhood was home to a large Puerto Rican population and the venue had begun presenting Latino music.
Dancers would dress bronx casino fight jíbaro outfits— white clothing, red scarf, pava straw hatand wooden machete—and dance to the traditional Puerto Rican mountain music.
As a teenager Rodriguez later went there to dance to the mambo bands.
Former Hunts Point Palace and Spooner Theatre Duane Reade on Southern Boulevard.
Photo by Martha Cooper.
Reprinted, by permission, from Roberta Singer and Elena MartĂ­nez.
During the mambo era the Hunts Point Palace became a key performance spot for some of the biggest bands, primarily because it was one of the largest venues in the Bronx, holding 2,500 people and boasting a big bandstand.
People dressed sharp as a tack.
Everybody looked great and they all came to dance.
Architecturally, the Hunts Point Palace was far more beautiful than the Palladium.
People remember it as a very elegant ballroom with a beautiful façade, large and polished dance floor, balconies, and elaborate ornamentation.
It was at the big dance venues such as the Hunts Point Palace that promoters such as Federico Pagani began producing dances featuring as many as six bands in one night, playing one set after the other.
Caravana Club The Caravana Club, located next door to the celebrated Bronx Opera House near the Hub at 149th Street, was opened in the summer of 1959 by Gil and Sonny Merced along with Federico Pagani who produced events at the Palladium, Hunts Point Palace, and elsewhere.
Almost immediately the Caravana became one of the most important dance venues in the Latin music scene, presenting major bands every week.
At the time the new so-called rhythm, pachanga, came out.
The Caravana closed in 1962 for a short period, then reopened in 1963 as the Bronx Casino, remaining in business until 1973.
Charlie Palmieri and his band La Duboney rehearsing at the Caravana Club.
Joe Click here is playing timbales.
Photo by John Crespo, courtesy of Joe RodrĂ­guez.
Reprinted, by permission, from Roberta Singer and Elena MartĂ­nez.
CLUBS Tritons Few clubs have the distinction of being so humble, unassuming, small, and undistinguished, yet so important in the creation and development of a music that became as internationally popular as the Tritons.
On the second floor of the former Spooner Theater, next to the Hunts Point Palace on Southern Boulevard, a small after-hours club gained rapid celebrity.
It opened around 1960, built by a group of friends who played on a stickball team together.
It remains memorable to the musicians, dancers, and patrons who created, performed in, and frequented it.
And the greatest played there, link Patato to Mangual, to Pacheco to Barry Rogers to Eddie Palmieri, Charlie Palmieri.
The Pete Rodriguez Orchestra at Teatro Puerto Rico in the late 1960s.
Photo by Hiram Mercado, courtesy of Benny Bonilla.
Reprinted, by permission, from Roberta Singer and Elena MartĂ­nez.
Johnny Pacheco y Charlie Palmieri en el Tritons Club, cerca de 1960, año en que se gesta la Pachanga en NYC.
Foto cortesĂ­a de Joe RodrĂ­guez The pachangarhythm itself was not a Bronx, or even New York, invention, but it was at the Tritons Club that the dance craze began.
When the pachanga dance craze hit in 1961 it was so popular that numerous articles appeared in publications such as the New York TimesBallroom Dance Magazine, and El Diario.
Though the mainstream press situated the start of the pachanga craze at the Palladium, others correctly point out the critical role of the Bronx and the Tritons and Caravana clubs in maintaining the popularity of this dance.
Johnny Pacheco may not have originated the dance, but he was so closely associated with it that he was named El Rey de la Pachanga King of the Pachanga.
In an interview in El Diario, April 3, 1961, Charlie Palmieri commented that the choreography associated with the dance started at the Tritons Club, passed on to the Caravana Club, and then was brought to the Casino niagara falls ontario />Johnny Pacheco and other musicians such as Orlando MarĂ­n maintain that it was at the Tritons that Pacheco who, while waving his handkerchief this act later became a common feature of pachanga when danced at the Palladiumstarted doing fast, jumping steps that were copied by the audience.
De una cosa estĂĄn todos seguros, que el estilo en que hoy los jĂłvenes neoyorquinos bailan la pachanga es genuino del Bronx.
The little jump that characterizes the pachanga is not from another country.
That chandelier, I would say, holy cow, this floor is going to give.
The Tritons also had the distinction of being the birthplace of the Alegre All- Stars, a truly distinguished aggregation of mostly Bronx-based musicians who were tremendously influential—individually and as a group—in the development of a New York Latin music sound.
Johnny Pacheco remembers that his band and those of Charlie Palmieri and Eddie Palmieri played the Tritons on different nights.
This group, all of whom had recorded on the Alegre label, jammed together at the Tritons on Tuesday nights starting in 1961.
Al Santiago, who founded Alegre Records in 1956, one year after he opened the Casalegre music store, remembers the formation of the Alegre All-Stars slightly differently.
He had already put out nine recordings on his Alegre label but was so impressed and moved by the sound and feel of the Cachao descarga recordings, with their informality and party-time go here, that he decided to make a record of similar music and pulled together the leaders and top musicians from the bands he had under contract Carp 1996a.
Exceptions such as Johnny Pacheco came here at a relatively early age and are New Yorkers, culturally speaking.
Carp 1996b For the innovative Alegre All-Stars Santiago wanted to produce recordings that combined the Cachao descarga and Machito big band feeling with what the young musicians were creating at the Tritons: the freewheeling improvisational and re-creative talents of Chombo Silva, Barry Rogers, Charlie Palmieri, Eddie Palmieri, Johnny Pacheco and others.
Al brought new standards of studio technique, post production, graphic design, and use of media to the Latin record business.
Al Santiago was a great enabler of talent, and not just performing talent.
Izzy Sanabria never looked back after designing his trendsetting Alegre covers Carp 1996b.
Financial difficulties beset Alegre Records and Santiago sold the label in 1966 Casalegre remained open through the mid-1970sbut the Alegre All-Stars continued to record, albeit under different names so as to avoid contractual problems.
Boy were they wrong!
In 1945, under the ownership of Cuban restauranteurs, the brothers Manolo and Tony Alfaro, the Tropicana became the most glamorous nightclub in the Bronx.
Inspired by the glitzy Tropicana Cabaret in Havana, it was the mecca for Latinos seeking floor shows with a chorus line, first-rate dance bands, and first-class Cuban cuisine.
Johnny Pacheco, who lived in Mott Haven, later played with Valdés a few blocks from his home at Puerto Rico Casino.
At one point he was the house band at the Tropicana Club.
I used to go there when I was very young to listen to the group.
NEIGHBORHOOD HANGOUTS The commercial success and international popularity of what came to be called salsa seem to have overshadowed its community-based, grassroots beginnings.
The streets, record stores, living rooms, apartment house stoops, rooftops, and candy stores were places where aspiring musicians learned from each other and from local musicians who lived in the area.
Young musicians organized their own bands and performed wherever they could find a place to play.
Oh yeah and we were joined by a young singer that Eddie found who lived near him, Joe Quijano
Then one block to my right you had.
Two blocks up from there you had Manny Oquendo living.
A little further you had Rogers Place and Tito RodrĂ­guez lived there.
Who else was around?
I mean all these local guys, Ray Barretto, Johnny Pacheco, Hector Rivera, lived on Jackson Avenue.
Then you had Joe RodrĂ­guez who lived on, I think it was Beck St.
It was like the cream of the crop from the future MartĂ­nez 2000c.
Most blocks had a candy store where local kids would hang out.
Dancer Louie Mercado remembers its name as The Mambo or El Mambo, no doubt due to the music that was played there just click for source the juke box and to which the teens danced.
Mercado also remembers that Eddie Palmieri worked behind the counter when he was about 12 or 13 years old and that he more info a pretty good egg cream.
There was always music playing and the jukebox carried the latest music with Marcelino Guerra, Machito, José Curbelo, Vitín Aviles, and Noro Morales.
We used to dance in that little candy store.
We hung in that candy store.
We would play stickball on Kelly, and every night we danced.
Louie Mercado interview with Carp et al.
Percussionist Lefty Maldonado remembers the candy store on Union Avenue and 156th Street where everyone in his neighborhood hung out: There was one on Union Avenue where we had a whole bunch of stickball games.
We all lived in apartments.
So where was it?
It was the street, the stoop, and the candy store and that was our meeting place.
The candy store was a pivotal place for us to congregate, to meet, and to talk—girl and boy stuff.
Melrose House Melrose House at 786 E.
Al Santiago started the Chack-A-Ñu-Ñu Boys there and, in return for letting him use the space for rehearsals, he held dances there.
Young musicians Benny Bonilla and Orlando MarĂ­n, ca.
Courtesy of Benny Bonilla.
Reprinted, by permission, from Roberta Singer and Elena MartĂ­nez.
It looked like a shack, or a storefront.
An apartment complex now exists on this site.
The Melrose House was really a community center and they used to let people hang out during the day.
Then once a week they used to let this band rehearse there.
And that was another place where Eddie Palmieri would go.
All the musicians, they would go there.
That was the incubator
If one guy needed a guy on conga or a bongoceroyou could recommend someone or you could ask for the job yourself.
Benny Bonilla interview, MartĂ­nez 1999a P.
But among Bronx Latino musicians the school holds a deeprooted special meaning having nothing to do with political figures.
During the 1950s a group of local teenagers, who were alumni of the school and played stickball in front of the building, formed a band.
This band included some musicians who would later become notable figures in Latin music, including Eddie Palmieri, Orlando MarĂ­n, and Joe Quijano.
They started rehearsing at P.
In exchange for rehearsal space, the band played Friday night dances there.
This band had a friendly rivalry with the band of Gilbert Maldonado, which he formed at the Bronx Vocational High School Johnny Pacheco and Barry Rogers were featured musicians.
After playing dances at P.
So without that even if we are doing the street stuff and the piano players bronx casino fight taking their private lessons, see it all clicked.
We were doing it from the records, because the percussionists were doing it from the records.
And the trumpets and the brass guys were doing it in schools.
And this phenomenon, this incredible combination got together.
So the school had a lot to do with it.
And so the school became a breeding ground for talent.
Then all the other local guys like myself who were learning, we would go and we would end up sitting in with them.
RECORD STORES Casa Amadeo Other important, but often overlooked sites that influenced the development of Latin music were the numerous music stores located in Latino neighborhoods.
New migrants from Puerto Rico could walk past stores and hear the sounds of their island streaming from the speakers; musicians gathered at the stores looking for gigs; and record companies looking for new artists and groups to record sought advice from store proprietors.
Historian Virginia SĂĄnchez Korrol notes: As a business venture the small music store spread quickly throughout the colonia hispana and came to symbolize the Latin settlements as the candy store had characterized other ethnic immigrant neighborhoods.
Emanating from these establishments were the rhythms of el Son, la Guaracha, Puerto Rican plenas and aguinaldos, combined with the romantic boleros and danzas 1983: 80—1.
Mike Amadeo in front of Casa Amadeo Antigua Casa HernĂĄndez.
Photo by Martha Cooper.
Reprinted, by permission from Roberta Singer and Elena MartĂ­nez.
Victoria HernĂĄndez and her brother, composer Rafael HernĂĄndez, opened a music store, Almacenes HernĂĄndez, in El Barrio in 1927.
While Rafael made music Victoria took care of the store although she was an accomplished musician herself.
In November 1939 Victoria and Rafael sold the store to Luis Cuevas.
After a brief stint in Mexico, Victoria opened Casa HernĂĄndez in the Bronx, which sold music on one side and dresses on the other.
She owned the store until 1969, when she sold it to composer and musician Mike Amadeo who had previously worked for Al Santiago at Casalegre.
The store is now Casa Amadeo antigua Casa HernĂĄndez, and musicians coming to the city still drop in catch up on news of friends.
Bronx musicians remember buying their first records there.
The venue, located at 786 Prospect Avenue, is the oldest extant Latin music store in New York City.
The enduring cultural significance of Casa Amadeo was acknowledged in 2001 when the Manhasset building in which it is located was added to the National Register of Historic Places.
Victoria HernĂĄndez lived on the third floor.
Photo by Martha Cooper.
Reprinted, by permission, from Roberta Singer and Elena MartĂ­nez.
Casalegre Casalegre at 852 Westchester Avenue was opened in 1955 by musician, arranger, record producer, and bandleader Al Santiago.
He had worked for his uncle, musician Bartolo Alvarez, who owned the famous Casa Latina Record Shop in East Harlem.
In 1956 he founded the Alegre record label, which became synonymous with the New York Latin music sound.
It was unrivaled until Fania was established in 1964.
Unlike the mega-music stores of today, this and other neighborhood music stores were gathering places for local and visiting musicians.
SOCIAL CLUBS Social organizations have historically served a variety of important functions for immigrant groups arriving in New York City.
Within the Puerto Rican community the earliest organizations were mutual aid societies formed by tobacco workers SĂĄnchez Korrol 1983:136.
Other organizations were geared toward particular activities or social services.
Overall, the social clubs bronx casino fight a wide range of service and support for incoming migrants.
The hometown club provided migrants with an oasis in an otherwise hostile territory, served to link the New York environment with the village or island towns they had left behind, and in general cushioned the inevitable cultural adjustment made by new immigrants SĂĄnchez Korrol 1983: 158.
Club Cubano Interamericano Club Cubano Interamericano was originally situated at a small site at 914 Prospect Avenue at 162nd Street.
Much of the impetus for founding this club came from a migration of Cubans from Tampa, Florida most of whom were of Afro-Cuban descent and worked in the cigar industry there during the 1930s and continuing through the early 1940s.
By late 1945 here was a substantial enough Tampeño community in the Bronx to form Club Cubano.
The club evolved out of a 1945 fund-raising campaign to celebrate Antonio Maceo, a national hero in the Cuban war for independence.
The money was used to hire a hall and host a banquet, but the event was sosuccessful it led to the formation of the social club.
The second site of the club had a large dance floor and regularly booked Latin music bands, including Arsenio RodrĂ­guez and Orquesta Broadway, and Ray Barretto.
Members of the club organized public dances on a regular basis.
Attendees, both Cuban and Puerto Rican, formed a close-knit community, which has continued to come together annually for 30 years at a reunion dance called Baile de Mamoncillo named after a Caribbean fruit.
Since Club Cubano closed about 10 years ago, the gathering has been meeting annually at Bohemian Hall in Queens.
Conclusion The process of systematically documenting the story of Latin music in the South Bronx reveals an untold story.
For the people who lived the story, documenting the stoty reaffirms their experience.
With the exception of Casa Amadeo, the theaters, clubs, dance halls, and hangouts have vanished under the wrecking ball, having burned to the ground or been converted to some other use.
The processes of exploring and expressing identity are enacted in places that ground experience and memory, enabling us to store history and to anchor cultural traditions.
The authors wish to express our deep appreciation to David Carp for bringing to our attention the need for systematic investigation of the Latin music scene in the South Bronx, for working with us on the initial stages of the project, and for generously sharing his information and insights with us.
The present work, however, concentrates on the almost completely overlooked South Bronx.
Nowadays it is not exclusively identified with comedians, but it includ es all those who are part of the artistic endeavor.
While some use it to refer to vaudeville-type theater, a better term for the Spanishlanguage equivalent is teatro de variedades or espectĂĄculo.
Pachanga at the Caravana.
Ballroom Dance Magazine, August: 11.
ÂżAsĂ­ naciĂł La Pachanga?
El Diario, April 2:4—5.
Profile: Alberto Santiago Alvarez 1932—1996.
A Visit ms casino shows biloxi Maestro Johnny Pacheco.
In The Encyclopedia of New York City, ed.
New Haven: Yale University Press.
Castro, John writing as Nano Bauta.
Breve Relato de la Historia de los Pioneros del Teatro, Radio y Television Hispana en la Ciudad de Nueva York.
In Ethnicity, Identity and Music: The Musical Construction of Place, ed.
Migration and International Corporations: The Puerto Rican Model of Development.
In The Commuter Nation: Perspectives on Puerto Rican Migration, eds.
Carlos Antonio Torre, Hugo Rodríguez-Vecchini, William Burgos, 153—70.
RĂ­o Piedras: Editorial de la Universidad de Puerto Rico.
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Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall.
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Our Changing City: New Faces in Lower Bronx: Shifting Population Often Raises Tense Problems in Housing.
New York Times July 11th.
Hip Hop: The Illustrated History of Breakdancing, Rap Music and Graffiti.
In The Encyclopedia of New York City, ed.
New Haven: Yale University Press.
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New York: Monthly Review Press.
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Puerto Rico Theatre Packs Them In.
Puerto Ricans: Born in the U.
Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press.
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Iowa City: University of Iowa Press.
From Colonia to Community: The History of Puerto Ricans in New York City.
Berkeley: University of California.
The Changing Role of Migration in Puerto Rican Economic Development: Perspective from the Past and Look to the Future.
In The Commuter Nation: Perspectives on Puerto Rican Migration, eds.
Carlos Antonio Torre, Hugo Rodríguez-Vecchini and William Burgos, 171—83.
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Ethnicity, Identity and Music: The Musical Construction of Place.
Place, Exchange and Meaning: Black Sea Musicians in the West of Ireland.
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Ray Santos Carp, David, Elena MartĂ­nez, Marci Reaven, Henry Chalfant.

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